In the last general elections, the constitutionalist parties obtained 55.8 percent of the votes in the Catalonia constituency – 69.8 percent if we add the results of the far left of Sumar – with the Popular Party being the largest. third most voted formation. The three nationalist formations – ERC, Junts and CUP – remained with 27.6 percent of the votes and only the tactics of the president of the government, Pedro Sánchez, explain why the Catalan separatist movement has regained momentum, visibility and, fundamentally, , a determining influence on Spanish politics.

Let’s face it, in Catalonia, the extrapolation of the national elections, with an abstention of 37 percent, to the results of the regional elections, with much higher abstention rates – in the 2021 call, 48 percent n did not vote, 7 percent of voters roll – still presents many difficulties, but that does not prevent us from emphasizing that the Popular Party, against the insidious propaganda campaign of La Moncloa, is very far from being a residual party in the Principality and that the upcoming event in May is both a challenge and an opportunity for the forces of Alberto Núñez Feijóo and his Catalan candidate, Alejandro Fernández.

This is a challenge because, once the coalition with Ciudadanos is frustrated, the success of the PP will depend, on the one hand, on attracting the orphan vote of the Orange Party, which in the general elections in July was to a certain extent to the PSC, and, on the other hand, by leading the voters of Vox, a party which maintains a stable base in Catalonia around 7 percent, to opt for the exercise of the useful vote and to strengthen the positions of the constitutionalist center. right to ensure that it is decisive in the Catalan Chamber.

And it is an opportunity because the Popular Party offers the citizens of Catalonia concerned about the drift that nationalism is taking, towards a reissue of the “trial” through a self-determination referendum wrested from the President of the Government in compensation for parliamentary support. this allows him to stay in La Moncloa – a moderate alternative, respectful of Catalan institutions based on the conviction of the benefits of the Spanish autonomous system and the experience of an economic management model which has undeniable success in the communities they govern. A strong Catalan popular party is also a guarantee against the worst political omens, both in Madrid and Barcelona.

Only the broadest possible regrouping of constitutionalism can ward off the instability of a central executive supported by the separatists and subject to their growing demands. In this regard, we do not think it is necessary to look for arguments other than the reality experienced by the whole of Spanish society.

By wbu4c

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